The Writing Was Always on the Wall

2017 can come only after 2014. The disbelief and shock  greeting the announcement of the name of the CM designate of the Uttar Pradesh only shows  that most of our educated folk are either politically naive or seek to camouflage their own prejudices and biases the way the BJP has been doing for the last several years.

It is true that the new Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh is not a normal politician. Nor was the ex-chief minister of Gujarat who is now the Prime Minister of this country. But we forgot, while discussing the evolving  merits of personalities and doing a comparative study of the virtues latent in them that all of them were true sons of the BJP which itself was not a normal party.

We kept lamenting that the party which had a large hearted  poet as its leader was falling back on an iron man who rode a Toyota camouflaged as Ram Rath asking Hindus to destroy Babri Masjid leaving a trail of fire and blood. It only showed that we had little understanding of poetry and also of politics. A poetaster being toasted as a poet was a steep fall in the aesthetic sensibility of the educated lot. But to call him inclusive was even worse. His record in the parliament and outside parliament demonstrates that he had the cunning to make the politics of anti-minoritism palatable for the willing. After him came the iron man. He was constantly compared with Sardar Patel and was ultimately transformed into a statesman. It was an astute politician like Nitish Kumar who was asking him to be made the prime-ministerial candidate by the BJP in 2013 .He broke his alliance with his partner of 17 years after it decided to junk the old man in favour of a more decisive and determined developmentalist. References to his consistent anti- Muslim utterances and his record in the anti-Muslim violence of  2002  were dismissed as unnecessary,irritating details. It was not only the BJP but the educated mass of the Hindus who was preparing to welcome him as its leader.

None of them had changed their politics, none ever said that he did not believe in the ideology of their party which was nothing but the ideology of the RSS.

That it is not a normal party was realised by its socialist friends in 1977 when they demanded that members of the Janata Party could not have dual membership. The Janata Party was formed to fight Indira Gandhi in the wake of emergency with the dissolution of many political parties opposed to Indira Gandhi, conservatives and socialists together. Jan Sangh, the political branch of the RSS also dissolved itself and merged with other parties to form Janta Party. After some time, a demand was made that members of the Janata Party should end their association with the RSS. And the Janata Party broke. Members of the Jan Sangh preferred their affiliation with the RSS over their newly found democratic fabrication.

It became evident, even to those who did not want to believe it, that the raison D’etre of the Jan Sangh was to be found in the RSS. The metamorphosis of the Jan Sangh into Bhartiya Janata Party was only a change in name.

The attitude of the educated towards the RSS gradually changed. There was much in the erstwhile Jan Sangh which could be used to argue that it was a party speaking in the name of and for the people of India, and there was nothing to suggest that it was anti-minority. Its slogan HAR HATH KO KAAM, HAR KHET KO PANI had an economic message and there was no cultural nationalism in the open pronouncements of its leaders.

The BJP is only one of the outfits of the RSS which is employed  to gain legitimacy in popular imagination without compromising with the fundamental goal of the RSS which is to turn India into a Hindu Rashtra. The model is that of dominance over the minorities through establishing its hegemony among Hindus.

There was already a sympathetic section in the Congress Party which wanted the RSS to thrive. Sardar Patel was forced to ban it as he could not have overlooked and ignore its involvement in the campaign which led to the murder of Gandhi. But his bitterness with the RSS gave way to his symapthies with its ideals when he found a way for it to operate openly by getting its leader to declare its allegiance to the constitution of India. It was conveniently ignored that the RSS had not given up its ultimate aim which was to achieve a Hindu Rashtra. Entering parliamentary fora and through it the institutional nerves of the state was a strategy. The state would thus be captured and  its constitutional mandate subverted by using constitutional means.

The present Prime Minister mocked the insistence on commitment to the Constitution by getting an elephant make rounds carrying a huge replica of the Constitution when he was chief minister of Gujarat.

The abnormal nature of the BJP has to do with its umbilical links with the RSS. All the leaders of the BJP have proudly declared their first loyalty to it. Even the darling of the liberals , Atal Bihari Vajpeyi broke their hearts by saying that he was first a Swayamsevak.

Only thing the English speaking elites did not want was the native uncouthness which the cow protectors hordes brought with them. Atal Bihari Vajpeyi and later Lal Krishna Advani obliged them. Then came the man who did this anti-minority politics with a gravitas that one associates with a missionary. We have seen our media and analysts running after him, pleading with him to utter a small sorry for what was done to Muslims under his watch in 2002. He firmly refused to oblige them.They retreated and started asking the victims to look to the future, to not remain stuck in victimhood.

The man became the leader. Each move he made awed us. His ability to spew venom against minorities without caring for the constitutional niceties increased our admiration for him. We were too ready, too eager to legitimise everything he did.

So, here is his latest move. And the job before the media and the liberals is to find virtue in what has been done. It would be considered regressive to go the archives of the newspapers and fish out( still floating) statements calling for the dead Muslim women to be raped after being dragged out of graves,to deal with the two legged animals called Muslims,etc,. Those pointing out at this filth would be called losers.

A friend has suggested that the exercise to whitewash the CM designate of the UP can have this as the first line: He is not corrupt, he is dedicated and sincere.

  • Wire, March, 2017
  • https://thewire.in/117400/from-modi-to-adityanath/
  • http://thewirehindi.com/4192/apoorvanand-on-yogi-adityanath-rss-and-up-politics/

    मोदी के हर क़दम ने हमें अचंभित  किया है. यहां तक कि जब वे ज़हर उगलते रहे, तब भी हमारी प्रतिक्रिया ऐसी ही रही. हम मोदी के हर कृत्य को वैधानिकता प्रदान करने के लिए उत्सुक थे, तत्पर थे. योगी आदित्यनाथ की ताजपोशी उनकी नयी पेशकश  है. जो किया जा चुका है उसमें ख़ूबी तलाशना ही अब हमारा कर्तव्य रह गया है.

    2017, 2014 के बाद ही आ सकता है. उत्तर प्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री पद के लिए योगी आदित्यनाथ के मनोनयन पर जिस तरह से अविश्वास और आघात लगने के भाव का प्रदर्शन किया गया, वह सबसे पहले हमारे समय के टिप्पणीकारों के बारे में काफ़ी कुछ कहता है. इस प्रतिक्रिया से मालूम होता है कि हमारे अधिकतर टिप्पणीकार या तो राजनीतिक रूप से अभी भोले हैं या भाजपा के पिछले कई वर्षों के आचरण को लेकर अपने पूर्वाग्रहों और पक्षपात को छिपाना चाहते हैं.

    यह सही है कि उत्तर प्रदेश के नये मुख्यमंत्री कोई सामान्य नेता नहीं हैं. ठीक उसी तर्ज पर जिस तरह से गुजरात के मुख्यमंत्री, जो कि अब देश के प्रधानमंत्री हैं, सामान्य नेता नहीं थे. लेकिन जब हम हम शख्सियतों की योग्यताओं के विकास के बारे में बात करते हैं या उनमें छिपी ख़ूबियों का तुलनात्मक अध्ययन करते हैं, तब हम भूल जाते हैं कि वे सब भाजपा के सच्चे सपूत थे और भाजपा ख़ुद कोई सामान्य पार्टी नहीं थी.

    हम इस बात का मातम मनाते रहे कि किसी ज़माने में जिस पार्टी का नेता एक उदारहृदय कवि हुआ करता था, वह एक लौह-पुरुष पर आश्रित होती जा रही है. वह लौह पुरुष जो टोयोटा से बनाए गए रथ पर चला करता था. जिसने हिंदुओं को बाबरी मस्जिद का विध्वंस करने का आह्वान किया और जिसके रथ के पीछे और अपने पीछे ख़ून और आग के निशान रह गए.

    इसे भी पढ़ें: यह सड़क भी एक किस्म की क्लास है, भले ही सिलेबस के बाहर हो

    इसका सीधा सा मतलब यह है कि हमें न तो ठीक से कविता की समझ थी, न राजनीति की. हम एक तुकबंदी करने वाले को कवि कह कर सिर पर बिठाते रहे. यह शिक्षित समुदाय के सौंदर्यबोध में भारी गिरावट का प्रतीक था. लेकिन अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी को समावेशी कहना और भी बदतर था. संसद के भीतर और बाहर अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी का रिकॉर्ड यह दिखाता है कि वे बेहद शातिर तरीक़े से अल्पसंख्यक विरोधी राजनीति को साधारण-इच्छुक लोगों के लिए स्वीकार्य बनाते थे.

    उनके पीछे लौह पुरुष का आगमन हुआ. लालकृष्ण आडवाणी की तुलना लगातार सरदार पटेल से की जाती रही और आख़िरकार उन्हें एक राजनेता में रूपांतरित कर दिया गया. और किसी ने नहीं, नीतीश कुमार जैसे घाघ नेता ने 2013 में आडवाणी को प्रधानमंत्री पद का उम्मीदवार बनाने की मांग की थी. नीतीश कुमार ने 17 वर्षों तक गठबंधन में रहने के बाद अपने पुराने साथी को तब अलविदा कहने का फ़ैसला किया जब भाजपा ने वृद्ध आडवाणी को रद्दी की टोकरी में डालकर उनकी जगह एक ज़्यादा निर्णायक और प्रतिबद्ध विकासवादी में अपनी आस्था जता दी.

    उस व्यक्ति की मुस्लिम विरोधी टिप्पणियों और 2002 की मुस्लिम विरोधी हिंसा को लेकर उससे बनने वाले सवालों को गैरज़रूरी क़रार दिया गया. सिर्फ़ भाजपा ही नहीं, बल्कि शिक्षित हिंदुओं का जनसमूह भी उसका स्वागत करने के लिए तैयार था. इन दोनों में से किसी ने अपनी राजनीति नहीं बदली थी. इन दोनों में से किसी ने यह नहीं कहा था कि वे अपनी पार्टी की विचारधारा में, जो और कुछ नहीं राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ (आरएसएस) की विचारधारा है, यक़ीन नहीं करते.

    भाजपा एक साधारण पार्टी नहीं है, यह बात इसके समाजवादी मित्रों को 1977 में तब समझ में आयी जब उन्होंने यह मांग की कि जनता पार्टी का सदस्य एक साथ जनता पार्टी और आरएसएस की दोहरी सदस्यता नहीं रख सकता. जनता पार्टी का गठन देश में आपातकाल लगाए जाने के बाद इंदिरा गांधी से मुक़ाबला करने के लिए किया गया था. इसके गठन के लिए इंदिरा विरोधी राजनीतिक पार्टियों ने अपना अस्तित्व समाप्त कर दिया.

    इनमें परंपरावादी और समाजवादी दोनों तरह की पार्टियां शामिल थीं. आरएसएस की राजनीतिक शाखा जनसंघ ने भी ख़ुद को भंग करके दूसरे दलों की तरह जनता पार्टी में विलय का फ़ैसला किया. कुछ समय बाद यह मांग उठी कि जनता पार्टी के सदस्यों को आरएसएस के साथ अपना संबंध-विच्छेद कर लेना चाहिए. लेकिन, इस मांग ने जनता पार्टी का ही विघटन कर दिया. जनसंघ के सदस्यों ने राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ के साथ अपने रिश्ते को नयी गठित लोकतांत्रिक पार्टी के ऊपर तरजीह दी.

    वैसे लोगों को भी, जो यह यक़ीन नहीं करना चाहते थे, यह साफ़ हो गया कि जनसंघ का अस्तित्व आरएसएस से है. जनसंघ की काया छोड़कर भारतीय जनता पार्टी की काया ग्रहण करना, महज नाम का परिवर्तन था.

     

Advertisements

Leave a Reply

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in:

WordPress.com Logo

You are commenting using your WordPress.com account. Log Out / Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out / Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out / Change )

Google+ photo

You are commenting using your Google+ account. Log Out / Change )

Connecting to %s